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[52]Pachymeres Ⅰ，97.
[53]Ostrogorsky，Féodalité，92 ff.
[54]Chronicle of the Morea 4657 ff.
[55]Pachymeres Ⅰ，466.
[56]插pman，Michel Paléologue 154，appears to accept a total strength at 20，000 men，assuming a mobile force of 15，000 with 5，000 garrisoning the towns.But no doubt the 15，000 soldiers fighting in the Peloponnese from about 1263-5（according to Hopf，followed by 插pman）were only part of the available troops，since fighting was going on at the same time in other districts.
[57]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，174;20.
[58]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，223，20 and 158，10.
[59]Cf.Stein，‘Untersuchungen’11 ff.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 6 and 23.
[60]Cf.Dolger，‘Zur Textgestaltung der Lavra-Urkunden und zu ihrer geschichtlichen Auswertung’，BZ 39（1939），64 f.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 2.
[61]Cf.Bratianu，Etudes byz.221 ff.
[62]Pachymeres Ⅱ，493 f.On this cf.Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 8 ff.，who correctly interprets the information given by Pachymeres and points out where earlier interpretations have gone wrong.
[63]Pachymeres Ⅱ，494.Graphic details of the misery and hunger of the Byzantine population are given in the letters of Athanasius Patriarch of Constantinople;cf.the extracts in R.Guilland，‘La correspondance inédite d’Athanase，Patriarche de Constantinople（1289-93;1304-10）’，Mélanges Diehl Ⅰ（1930），138 f.Cf.also Bratianu，?tudes byz.162 ff.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 109 f.
[64]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317.
[65]Pachymeres Ⅱ，493.
[66]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky，‘Pour l’histoire de l’immunité à Byzance’，BZ 28（1958），211 ff.
[67]Stein，Studien 142 ff.
[68]Stein，‘Untersuchungen’10，considers that the sum of 1，000，000 hyperp.given by Nic.Gregoras was the state’s total revenue from all sources，which can hardly be true.But，allowing for the depreciation in value of the hyperpyron，he is probably not exaggerating when he estimates that the revenue towards the end of the thirteenth century before the tax reforms of Andronicus was‘at most an eighth of that of the iconoclast Emperors’。
[69]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317，23.
[70]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317，12.
[71]Ph.Meyer，Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athoskloster（1894），190 ff.；Porf.Uspenskij，Istorija Afona Ⅲ，2（1892），140 ff.
[72]H.Gelzer，‘Ungedruckte und ungenügend veroffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episcopatuum’，Abh.d.Bayer.Akad.d.Wiss.21，Abh.3（1903），595 ff.On the Notitiae episcopatuum now see the comprehensive survey of Beck，Kirche，148 ff.
[73]Cf.G.Bratianu，‘Notes sur le projet de mariage entre l’empereur Michel Ⅸ Paléologue et Catherine de Courtenay’，Revue du Sud-Est europ.1（1924），59 ff.Cf.Pia Schmid，‘Zur Chronologie von Pachymeres，Andronikos L.Ⅱ-Ⅶ’，BZ 51（1958），84.
[74]Daughter of his sister Eulogia，cf.Papadopulos，Genealogie der Palaiologen Nr.30.
[75]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte Ⅰ，339.
[76]Cf.M.Laskaris，Viz.princeze，55 ff.，M.Dinic，‘Odnos izmedju kralja Milutina i Dragutina’（Relations between king Milutin and Dragutin）ZRVI 3（1955），57 ff.
[77]Cf.M.Laskaris，Viz.princeze，58.
[78]See Theodore Metochites’account of the embassy，Sathas，。Ⅰ，166.
[79]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky，‘Dusan i njegova vlastela u borbi sa Vizantijom’（Dusan and his nobles in the struggle against Byzantium），Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonika cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），79 ff.
[80]Cf.V.Mosin，‘Vizantiski uticaj u Srbiji u XIVv.’（Byzantine influence in Serbia in the foruteenth century），Jugosl.Istoriski casopis 3（1937），147 ff.
[81]Cf.G.J.Bratianu，Recherches sur le commerce génois dans la Mer Noire auVIIIe siècle，Paris 1929，250 ff.
[82]Tafel and Thomas Ⅲ，391 ff.
[83]Hopf，Geschichte Ⅰ，372 ff.；Heyd，Commerce de Levant Ⅰ，445 ff.461 ff.；Miller，Essays 283 ff.
[84]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，138.
[85]Pachymeres Ⅰ，310.Cf.also the excellent comments of Wittek，Mentesche 16 ff.，24 ff.
[86]Cf.Wittek，Mentesche 18.
[87]A.Rubioy Lluch has done particularly valuable research on the history of the Catalans in the East;his numerous works are cited and commented on by K.M.Setton，p.286 ff.（cf.below）.Cf.also G.Schlumberger，Expédition des‘Almugavares’ou routiers catalans en Orient，Paris 1902;Miller，Latins 211 ff.；L.N.d’Olwer，L’expansio de Catalunya en la Mediterr à nia oriental，Barcelona 1926;and especially K.M.Setton，Catalan Domination of Athens 1311-88，Cambridge，Mass.1948.
[88]射 was a daughter of the Bulgarian tzar Ivan Ⅲ Asen（1279-80）who fled to Constantinople and of Irene Palaeologina，a sister of Andronicus Ⅱ；cf.Papadopulos，Genealogie der Palaiologen Nr.44.
[89]F.Dolger，‘Einigesüber Theodora，die Griechin，Zarin der Bulgaren（1308-30）’，Mélanges Grégoire Ⅰ（1949），215 f.，note 2（=Paraspora 225 f.，note 8）considers that it was in connection with this peace treaty that Theodora，the daughter of Mi插el Ⅺ，was given in marriage to the tzar Theodore Svetoslav（i.e.as early as 1308 and not 1320，as used to be thought）。
[90]Cf.M.Dinic，‘Odnos izmedju kralja Milutina i Dragutina’（Relations between king Milutin and Dragutin），ZRVI 3（1955），62 ff.where in many respects he casts new light on the events of this period in Serbia.
[53]Ostrogorsky，Féodalité，92 ff.
[54]Chronicle of the Morea 4657 ff.
[55]Pachymeres Ⅰ，466.
[56]插pman，Michel Paléologue 154，appears to accept a total strength at 20，000 men，assuming a mobile force of 15，000 with 5，000 garrisoning the towns.But no doubt the 15，000 soldiers fighting in the Peloponnese from about 1263-5（according to Hopf，followed by 插pman）were only part of the available troops，since fighting was going on at the same time in other districts.
[57]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，174;20.
[58]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，223，20 and 158，10.
[59]Cf.Stein，‘Untersuchungen’11 ff.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 6 and 23.
[60]Cf.Dolger，‘Zur Textgestaltung der Lavra-Urkunden und zu ihrer geschichtlichen Auswertung’，BZ 39（1939），64 f.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 2.
[61]Cf.Bratianu，Etudes byz.221 ff.
[62]Pachymeres Ⅱ，493 f.On this cf.Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 8 ff.，who correctly interprets the information given by Pachymeres and points out where earlier interpretations have gone wrong.
[63]Pachymeres Ⅱ，494.Graphic details of the misery and hunger of the Byzantine population are given in the letters of Athanasius Patriarch of Constantinople;cf.the extracts in R.Guilland，‘La correspondance inédite d’Athanase，Patriarche de Constantinople（1289-93;1304-10）’，Mélanges Diehl Ⅰ（1930），138 f.Cf.also Bratianu，?tudes byz.162 ff.；Zakythinos，Crise monétaire 109 f.
[64]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317.
[65]Pachymeres Ⅱ，493.
[66]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky，‘Pour l’histoire de l’immunité à Byzance’，BZ 28（1958），211 ff.
[67]Stein，Studien 142 ff.
[68]Stein，‘Untersuchungen’10，considers that the sum of 1，000，000 hyperp.given by Nic.Gregoras was the state’s total revenue from all sources，which can hardly be true.But，allowing for the depreciation in value of the hyperpyron，he is probably not exaggerating when he estimates that the revenue towards the end of the thirteenth century before the tax reforms of Andronicus was‘at most an eighth of that of the iconoclast Emperors’。
[69]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317，23.
[70]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，317，12.
[71]Ph.Meyer，Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athoskloster（1894），190 ff.；Porf.Uspenskij，Istorija Afona Ⅲ，2（1892），140 ff.
[72]H.Gelzer，‘Ungedruckte und ungenügend veroffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episcopatuum’，Abh.d.Bayer.Akad.d.Wiss.21，Abh.3（1903），595 ff.On the Notitiae episcopatuum now see the comprehensive survey of Beck，Kirche，148 ff.
[73]Cf.G.Bratianu，‘Notes sur le projet de mariage entre l’empereur Michel Ⅸ Paléologue et Catherine de Courtenay’，Revue du Sud-Est europ.1（1924），59 ff.Cf.Pia Schmid，‘Zur Chronologie von Pachymeres，Andronikos L.Ⅱ-Ⅶ’，BZ 51（1958），84.
[74]Daughter of his sister Eulogia，cf.Papadopulos，Genealogie der Palaiologen Nr.30.
[75]Cf.Jirecek，Geschichte Ⅰ，339.
[76]Cf.M.Laskaris，Viz.princeze，55 ff.，M.Dinic，‘Odnos izmedju kralja Milutina i Dragutina’（Relations between king Milutin and Dragutin）ZRVI 3（1955），57 ff.
[77]Cf.M.Laskaris，Viz.princeze，58.
[78]See Theodore Metochites’account of the embassy，Sathas，。Ⅰ，166.
[79]Cf.G.Ostrogorsky，‘Dusan i njegova vlastela u borbi sa Vizantijom’（Dusan and his nobles in the struggle against Byzantium），Zbornik u cast seste stogodisnjice Zakonika cara Dusana，Ⅰ（1951），79 ff.
[80]Cf.V.Mosin，‘Vizantiski uticaj u Srbiji u XIVv.’（Byzantine influence in Serbia in the foruteenth century），Jugosl.Istoriski casopis 3（1937），147 ff.
[81]Cf.G.J.Bratianu，Recherches sur le commerce génois dans la Mer Noire auVIIIe siècle，Paris 1929，250 ff.
[82]Tafel and Thomas Ⅲ，391 ff.
[83]Hopf，Geschichte Ⅰ，372 ff.；Heyd，Commerce de Levant Ⅰ，445 ff.461 ff.；Miller，Essays 283 ff.
[84]Nic.Gregoras Ⅰ，138.
[85]Pachymeres Ⅰ，310.Cf.also the excellent comments of Wittek，Mentesche 16 ff.，24 ff.
[86]Cf.Wittek，Mentesche 18.
[87]A.Rubioy Lluch has done particularly valuable research on the history of the Catalans in the East;his numerous works are cited and commented on by K.M.Setton，p.286 ff.（cf.below）.Cf.also G.Schlumberger，Expédition des‘Almugavares’ou routiers catalans en Orient，Paris 1902;Miller，Latins 211 ff.；L.N.d’Olwer，L’expansio de Catalunya en la Mediterr à nia oriental，Barcelona 1926;and especially K.M.Setton，Catalan Domination of Athens 1311-88，Cambridge，Mass.1948.
[88]射 was a daughter of the Bulgarian tzar Ivan Ⅲ Asen（1279-80）who fled to Constantinople and of Irene Palaeologina，a sister of Andronicus Ⅱ；cf.Papadopulos，Genealogie der Palaiologen Nr.44.
[89]F.Dolger，‘Einigesüber Theodora，die Griechin，Zarin der Bulgaren（1308-30）’，Mélanges Grégoire Ⅰ（1949），215 f.，note 2（=Paraspora 225 f.，note 8）considers that it was in connection with this peace treaty that Theodora，the daughter of Mi插el Ⅺ，was given in marriage to the tzar Theodore Svetoslav（i.e.as early as 1308 and not 1320，as used to be thought）。
[90]Cf.M.Dinic，‘Odnos izmedju kralja Milutina i Dragutina’（Relations between king Milutin and Dragutin），ZRVI 3（1955），62 ff.where in many respects he casts new light on the events of this period in Serbia.